Showing posts with label reading list. Show all posts
Showing posts with label reading list. Show all posts

Thursday, May 21, 2015

The Relevance Of Raspail—Visionary French Novelist Saw It Coming, Published Just Before Censorship Crackdown

An interesting article from www.vdare.com about the book "Camp of the Saints" that you can add to your summer reading. This follows this post about the Pope and immigration to Europe. This follows this post about the TPP. This follows this post about drought and immigration. This follows this post on HOW amnesty is funded in ways other than the DHS. Remember, “Amnesty” means ANY non-enforcement of existing immigration laws! This follows this comment and this post about how to Report Illegal Immigrants! Also, you can read two very interesting books HERE.
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The Relevance Of Raspail—Visionary French Novelist Saw It Coming, Published Just Before Censorship Crackdown

TheCampOfTheSaints[1]In 1971, Jean Raspail, then 46, was looking out his window on the French Riviera. Raspail had traveled widely in his youth and already had ten books to his credit, more than one based on his experiences with Third World peoples. France itself, under De Gaulle’s successor Georges Pompidou, was then still basking in the afterglow of postwar prosperity, the “thirty glorious years” as they are now nostalgically named. But Raspail, contemplating the Mediterranean that day, had a thought—as he explained later:
“What if they were to come?”
I did not know who they were, but it seemed inevitable to me that the numberless disinherited people of the South would, like a tidal wave, set sail one day for this opulent shore, our fortunate country’s wide-gaping frontier.
[Introduction To The 2011 French Edition]
An affluent society such as that found on the Côte d’Azur is the end-product of generations of hard work, intelligence, and self-denial. In most of the world, one or more of these elements has generally been lacking, and they cannot be made up for within a single generation, even by the coordinated efforts of an entire society, let alone by individuals. The only way for a poor person in a poor country to enjoy the fruits of prosperity within his own lifetime is to move to where they already exist. And moving is getting easier all the time.
Raspail was a man of letters, not a political analyst, and his idea quickly began to take on literary form: a dystopian novel called The Camp Of The Saints. An armada of a hundred ships setting sail from a squalid Third World slum, crammed with hungry, filthy, desperate people all bound for Europe: how would todays guilt-ridden West react?
Raspail began writing, not knowing himself where the story was headed. “I would stop in the evening,” he relates, “not knowing what would happen the next day, and the next day, to my surprise, my pencil raced unhindered over the paper. It was like that all the way to the end. If ever a book of mine was inspired, it was this one.”
Raspail says he has a picture of himself, taken just as he completed the manuscript: he looks haggard and twenty years older.
The story begins at the Belgian consulate in the slums of Calcutta. Local Catholic priests, like American Evangelicals in our own day, have been promoting the adoption of Third World children by the folks back home in Belgium as a form of “good works” and an answer to poverty. When the Belgian government realizes that 40,000 have been sent in a period of just five years, they take emergency measures to halt the flow. But this merely serves to whet the local appetite for some type of Western relief. A ragged mob swarms the consulate, ignoring protestations that no more children will be taken and defying calls to disperse. As they wait, they tell one another stories of a land of milk and honey, where rich harvests grow spontaneously in untilled fields watered by rivers brimming with fish.
The most wretched of the entire mob is the “dung man” (collecting excrement for use as fuel is an actual profession in parts of the world). He carries a malformed child on his shoulders and emerges as a leader of the mob. As a white “humanitarian aid worker” makes his way through the crowd, the dung man falls upon him, crying “Take us with you.” The man responds: “Today, I say unto you, you shall be with me in paradise.”351088[1]
(Such echoes of the New Testament are scattered throughout Raspail’s novel; the book’s title— The Camp of the Saints—is taken from Revelation 20: 8-9: “Behold the nations which are at the four corners of the earth rising up; their number is like the sand of the sea. They shall set out upon an expedition across the surface of the earth, they shall invest the camp of the saints and the beloved city.”)
The white man and the dung-gatherer lead the crowd down to the docks. The ships at anchor are dilapidated wrecks of Western origin, either left over from the days of British colonialism or bought cut-rate when European nations were finished with them. They are suitable only for river traffic. But there are many of these hulking wrecks, and some are quite large, with names such as the Calcutta Star and Star of India. The crowds swarm aboard. One hundred ships are tightly packed until they are in danger of sinking. But the weather is perfect and the seas are calm; they set sail.
Raspail outdoes the naturalism of Zola in his description of conditions onboard. The stench, the filth, the crowding, the hunger, the misery, even the casual and public fornication employed to pass the time—no detail is spared the reader.
As the flotilla passes through the straits of Ceylon, helicopters start hovering overhead—Western journalists capturing images to transmit back home.
monstrousfish
Raspail clearly enjoys himself satirizing the mawkish and impractical reaction of his countryman. He shows us French schoolteachers assigning their charges themes such as: “Describe the life of the poor, suffering souls on board the ships, and express your feelings toward their plight in detail, by imagining, for example, that one of the desperate families comes to your home and asks you to take them in.” At a press conference called to discuss the French governmental response to the events, a Minister bloviates:
The spirit of France, her particular genius, has always guided her path through the great waves of modern thought, like the noble flagship whose instinct shows her the way to go, as she plies resolutely forward, colors flying for all to see, at the head of the fleet of enlightened nations, setting their course, now left, now right, showing them how to sail into the storms spawned by the great compassionate gales of human progress….
Clearly representing Raspail’s views is the journalist Jules Machefer, publisher of La Pensée Nationale, “a poor, eight-page daily with no pictures, practically no ads, badly printed and more badly sold.” He rises to address the Minister as follows:
Monsieur Orelle, let’s suppose the Western nations go along with the government’s proposal and provide for the fleet as long as it’s off in mid-ocean. Can’t you see that you’ll simply be feeding your enemy, fattening up a million invaders? And if this fleet should reach the coast of France, and throw those million invaders out onto the beach, would the government have the courage to stand up to the very same hordes that its kindness had rescued?
The minister describes the question as “revolting” and, when Machefer persists, threatens to have him forcibly ejected from the room.
Another memorable character is Lefty journalist Clément Dio, real name Ben Suad:
Dio possessed a belligerent intellect that thrived on springs of racial hatred barely below the surface, and far more intense than anyone imagined. The journalist’s pen gave him many a size and shape, but one thing never changed: his contempt for tradition, his scorn for Western man per se, and above all the patriotic Frenchman. In column after column, [he] became, by turns, an Arab workman, snubbed and insulted; a black bricklayer, insulted by his boss; a street tough, shot in his tracks; a student terrorist; a rebel leader dispensing guerrilla justice; an incurable delinquent, victim of his genes or society’s pressures; a murderer calling for prison reform; a bishop spouting Marx in his pastoral letters; a Bengali dead of starvation….And so many more.
As the fleet approaches, Dio outdoes himself by publishing a “spectacular special on The Civilization of the Ganges”:
[It] had something for all those who thought they could think. Arts, letters, philosophy, history, medicine, morality, the family and society—everything found its way into the issue, signed by the best names in the business. Considering all the wonders the Ganges has bestowed on us already—sacred music, theater, dance, yoga, mysticism, arts and crafts, jewelry, new style in dress—the burning question, by the end of the issue, was how we could do without these folks any longer!
Indeed, the idea that Europe must help the people of the Ganges is gradually replaced by the view that Europe will be the beneficiary of “the fleet’s mission to cleanse and redeem the capitalist West.”
At the same time, the ordinary people of Southern France are clearing out, abandoning their properties and heading north. Raspail describes two rivers running through the land: “one towards the sea and the Ganges fleet, but it was merely a river of words; the second, throbbing with life, fleeing toward the interior of the country.” Throughout the novel, Raspail contrasts the many who spout sentiments without effect with the few who attempt to take responsibility for the situation.
As the fleet heads toward the Gulf of Aden (and by implication the Suez Canal), they are met by an Egyptian gunboat. Unaffected with post-colonial guilt, the Egyptians are determined not to run the risk of letting the fleet pass through their canal. First they issue a warning, then fire a warning shot; the Indian captains understand that the Egyptians mean business, and steer for the south, toward the Cape of Good Hope.
As the ships pass through South African waters, the Afrikaner government surprises the world by sending out barges full of supplies: fresh water, rice, medicines. The men of the Ganges dump everything overboard. The international press is ecstatic, running headlines such as “Blackmail in Human Despair”; “Armada Poison Plot Fails”; “Armada Dumps Rice, Keeps Self-Respect”; and (Clément Dio’s article) “No Compromise for the Ganges Refugees.”
Western leaders are certain the refugees will know how to distinguish “good whites” such as themselves from the “bad whites” of South Africa, so they prepare to meet the fleet as it passes São Tomé Island. Every church and charity in the Western world has airlifted supplies to the tiny island. Barges set out to meet the flotilla, but “it soon became clear the Ganges fleet had no intention of stopping. The India Star even seemed to change course, heading straight to ram one of the barges!”
Not everyone takes the hint:
The Papal barge held out longer than the rest, like a stubborn sheepdog prodding the flock. Abreast of the Calcutta Star, she was making her third attempt to board, when a naked cadaver, hurtling down from the deck, fell with a heavy, sickening thud at the feet of the Dominican friars. White skin, blue eyes, blond beard and hair. The man had been strangled.
The matter is hushed up.
As the fleet passes through the Straits of Gibraltar, the French President orders troops to the Mediterranean coast and prepares a tough-talking address to the nation: “Cowardice toward the weak is cowardice at its most subtle and, indeed, its most deadly.”
But in the middle of delivering it, he breaks down; he abandons his prepared text and leaves the soldiers free to follow their own consciences. Some do not even wait. Even before he speaks, soldiers are deserting their posts, fleeing inland with everyone else. As the hordes descend from the ships and stampede over the beach, the last troops fire a single machine gun blast and take to their heels.
These whites take refuge in a tiny nearby village where they receive a warm welcome by a stubborn old man who has chosen to remain and make his last stand at his home. The atmosphere of comradeship is remarkable:
[Calguès] seemed to know just what the colonel was thinking. And why not? Partaking of the same community of thought, it was no surprise that they should understand each other. That was part of the Western genius, too: a mannered mentality, a collusion of aesthetes, a conspiracy of caste, a good-natured indifference to the crass and the common. With so few left now to share in its virtues, the current passed all the more easily between them.
They live out a brief idyll, sharing good food and fellowship, picking off the occasional intruder with their guns.
Interestingly, they are joined by an Indian, Hamadura, from Pondicherry, long a French enclave. He says: “You don’t know my people: the squalor, the superstitions, the fatalistic sloth they’ve wallowed in for generations. You don’t know what you’re in for if that fleet of brutes ever lands in your lap! Everything will change in this country of yours.” Later, he observes: “To my way of thinking, being white isn’t really a question of color. It’s a whole mental outlook.”
Within a few days, however, fifty-four airplanes descend on their little village, on the orders of a certain “Provisional Government of the Paris Multiracial Commune,” and they are buried beneath the rubble.
Camp of the Saints was brought out in January 1973 by the well-known French publishing house of Robert Laffont. Laffont himself took a strong personal interest in the work, and expected it to become a bestseller. The initial print run was twenty thousand copies, but five thousand remained unsold after a year. The Left wing press maintained a studied silence, the officially conservative Figaro panned the novel; the rest of the Right was non-committal, and just three small journals reviewed it positively. This appeared to be the end of the story.
In 1975, however, Charles Scribner’s Sons brought out an English version that did better than the French original. At about the same time, a slight rise in sales was reported in France itself, and it continued and gathered strength for weeks on end. Raspail’s novel was catching on by word of mouth.
Gradually, anecdotes began reaching the author illustrating the processes involved. The deputy mayor of one large French city kept a stack on his desk and offered a copy to everyone who visited his office. A taxi driver discussed Camp of the Saints with every passenger, as if to pass the time. If there was interest, he would offer to sell them a copy at the end of the ride. His success rate was about 50/50.
Some prominent men contacted Raspail personally to express their pleasure with the book, including playwright Jean Anouilh and demographer Alfred Sauvy, whose National Demographic Institute nowadays gets the results its political bosses desire. Raspail emphasizes the cordial responses he has gotten even from men of the Left, including François Mitterrand and Lionel Jospin:
Some have been simple thank-you notes, others go more or less into the substance of the work…but in all cases, the general tone in no way corresponds to the vituperative laws all of them have voted for with both hands.
[Jean Raspail on the Friendly Responses He Has Received From the Powerful – An excerpt from the new introduction of the latest French edition, Social Contract Press, Spring 2015]
Raspail is referring here to the Pleven Law of 1972 and its many successors, setting penalties for criticism of certain protected groups, including immigrants. Camp of the Saints was published a short time before this law went into effect; otherwise it would have been subject to criminal proceedings.
And the penalties attached to such laws are made more severe every few years; as I write, current Socialist President François Hollande is calling for a further round of intensification. Before the most recent French reprint (2011), Raspail had the work evaluated by a lawyer, and he found 87 passages in violation of French law; these are helpfully listed in an appendix.
Real life analogues to Camp of the Saints developed quickly. On June 6, 1993, a cargo ship called the Golden Venture ran aground at Rockaway Beach in Queens, New York, holding about three hundred illegal Chinese immigrants. (A photograph of the event is featured on the cover of the English edition of Camp of the Saints published by The Social Contract Press). 41I6EMbhgJL._SY344_BO1,204,203,200_[1]On February 20, 2001, an unidentified cargo ship with about a thousand illegal Kurdish immigrants aboard deliberately ran itself aground on the beach not fifty meters from where Raspail had written his novel twenty years before! And now, finally, a wholesale invasion of Europe is underway from sub-Saharan Africa.
But these parallels do not testify to the author’s prescience as much as does the ordinary course of immigration from Africa, the Middle East, and the Indian subcontinent over the past four decades. Raspail’s story of the Ganges fleet was simply a device for heightening the drama and fitting it into a story line of a few weeks.
Raspail’s great merit is to have seen what few others did: that Europeans stand to lose control of their destiny within the lifetime of men now living.
Martin Witkerk [Email him] is an independent philosopher. A longer version of this article appears in the Spring 2015 issue of The Social Contract Magazine.

Friday, October 24, 2014

Recommended Conservative Reading to prepare for elections and commemorate the Fall of the Berlin Wall

A timely post about from www.yaf.org about books to begin reading in order to commemorate the Fall of the Berlin Wall, communism's symbol, on November 9, Freedom Day. This follows this post about a black person mocking white people, as in the movie Dear White People.  This follows this post about the midterm election.
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Recommended Conservative Reading

ReadingImageStudents read conservative books
This list of books is only a sampling of the best books available to help you balance your education with conservative ideas. The titles listed represent a wide range of topics and difficulty levels, but all are worth reading.
Many of the books purchased through the Foundation's website help support our cause. In association with the Conservative Book Service and Amazon.com, please use the links below to find some of the Conservative Movement's most influential books.
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** Author is available through Young America's Foundation's Campus Lecture Program

High School Recommended Reading

General Recommended Reading

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Communism

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Conservatism

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Economics

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Education

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Environment / Global Warming

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Feminism


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History (U.S.)


History (World)


Immigration


Liberalism


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Militant Islam


National Security and Military


Novels


Race


Ronald Reagan


Monday, August 20, 2012

Are Forces trying to Provoke a Civil War in America?

An interesting post from http://jpfo.org/ about a potential Civil War coming in America that you can get from your library here. This follows this post about foreign policy advice for the next decade. This follows this post about how to Report Illegal Immigrants! For more that you can do to get involved click HERE and HERE and you can read another very interesting book HERE.

Is another Civil War In America Inevitable?






by Kirby Ferris

 Jews For The Preservation of

Firearms Ownership (www.JPFO.org ) 2012



"History is littered with wars which everybody knew would never happen."

Enoch Powell, ex-member of the British Parliament.



Thus opens Thomas Chittum's disturbing book Civil War II. With chilling precision, Chittum outlines the realization that America is headed the way of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia … Balkanization, or, as the subtitle to the book proclaims, The Coming Breakup of America. If our illustrious President wants us to "dialogue" about race, we'd better face the lessons of history that Chittum identifies in this book. You may not agree with Chittum's conclusions, but every American, of any race, should be familiar with the disturbing similarities between the bloody paths other nations have followed and the path America seems to be blundering along.



Chittum is a military analyst who has had hands-on experience with war, specifically civil wars. He fought for the U.S. Army in Vietnam in the '60s, the Rhodesian Territorials in the '70s, and with the Croatian Army in the '90s.



Apparently, multi-cultural, multi-racial, and multi-ethnic democracies don't last very long, if they even get started in the first place. The minute a single race, religion or ethnic group loses a large majority in a nation, that nation begins to undergo internal fracture. Chittum points out that the fall of the Soviet Union had as much to do with an incredible growth of Islamic forces in the various conglomerates of the Soviet Empire as did the arms race with the West. In the case of America, we shouldn't "celebrate diversity," we should fear it.



Civil War II will start in the American Southwest. Actually, it has already begun. It is called the "Reconquista," or in English, the Reconquest. An estimated two million illegal aliens, mostly Mexicans, have now infiltrated and occupied a huge swath of American soil that stretches from Los Angeles to New Orleans and up into New Mexico. Mexican and Latino radicals have already given this nation-to-be a name: "Aztlan." A beachhead has been established. Mexico will erupt into a revolution within the next 20 years. This revolution will either be brutally put down, as in the recent Chiapas uprising, or it will succeed and a new, likely Marxist, government will take over. In either case, further millions of Mexicans, attempting to escape the bloodshed and even more depressing poverty, will flee north across the American border and into the Southwest. The conflict between the whites and the Hispanics will be exacerbated by the fact that one group speaks English and the other Spanish. One group is brown and the other is white. The inevitable "them vs. us" division will occur because the opposing forces can be immediately identified by skin color and/or language.



So re-draw your map of 21st Century North America with "Aztlan" occupying the territory (plus a little extra) that was once Northern Mexico before the "Gringos" stole it. Toss in Southern Florida, because the Cubans are there to stay.



Malcom X, and now Louis Farrakan, have called for a "Black Homeland." Demographics are beginning to outline the shape of this second nation-to-be. Middle class and working class blacks are moving back to the Old South in increasing numbers. As the Reconquista progresses, blacks in Southern California will be stuck between a rock and a hard place; a growing resentment against the Hispanic tidal wave will be mixed with the age-old resentment against the white race. Patience and compassion go out the window when social misery meets ethnic and racial diversity. This is simply a pragmatic, coldly realistic lesson of history. All liberal, social engineering mumbo jumbo aside, when the fecal matter hits the fan, people prefer to be with their "own kind." So draw in "New Africa" on your map of 21st Century America. This will be most of the deep South.



North of New Africa and Aztlan will be an all-white nation stretching to the Canadian border or perhaps blended with several provinces of Canada. In 1992, the white race was 75% of the American population. If one were to travel through only the rural Northern U.S.A., one would likely assume that this is a nation of exclusively white people. Minorities have historically occupied enclaves in cities in the North. In 2050 the white race is expected to have been reduced to 52% of all Americans. Non-white immigration and the greater birth rate of blacks and Hispanics are fueling this trend.



There is a problem that prevents this demographic transition from remaining peaceful. The Mexicans want that land back. They will take it back, not simply ask. Black and white property owners in the fermenting nation of Aztlan will not likely relinquish their property without a fierce struggle. Likewise, southern whites, some of the most irascible critters on Earth, will not gently surrender their property to waves of black refugees. As the bloodshed against whites by blacks and against blacks by whites increases in the South, the black enclaves in Northern American cities (i.e., ghettos) will erupt into street warfare.



The armies are already in place. Our federal government estimates that 500,000 young men, predominantly black and Hispanic, are members of street gangs. These fellows have guns, money and a highly-organized hierarchy, because, as Chittum perceptively points out, the leadership of gangs is decided by cunning, street-smart business acumen (the drug trade), and a merciless willingness to eliminate rivals for power. The leadership of street gangs is Darwinian, while the leadership of our police and military agencies has to do more with whose ass you kiss than whose as you kick. Given equal armament, the street gangs are potentially better warriors.



Don't get mad at Thomas Chittum for his pragmatic insight. His book is controversial and opinionated, but it is not a racist screed. You just might as well get mad at the weatherman who tells you a hurricane is coming. Instead, read the book. Read it as soon as you can, and think long and hard about what is said. Civil War II is available from American Eagle Publications ($16.95, priority post and handling included), POB 1507, Show Low, Arizona 85901, 800-719-4957. Or order it from your local book store (ISBN#0-929408-17-9).







NOTE: The 1998 purchase information is no longer valid. A visit to Amazon will reveal something quite intriguing. Chittum could apparently make a bundle by re-printing "Civil War II". Check out the price for a new copy here.







Frequent JPFO contributor and strategist, Kirby Ferris, collaborated intensively with Aaron Zelman over the last two years of Aaron’s life. Ferris is currently the Research Director of JPFO.



See all of Kirby Ferris’ articles.



Friday, August 17, 2012

The Next Decade: Empire and Republic in a Changing World

A very interesting book review from http://www.amazon.com/ about foreign policy advice for the next decade. This follows this post about the U.S. in the post "jihad-war: world. This follows this post about America breaking up due to unrestricted immigration.  This follows this post about how to Report Illegal Immigrants! For more that you can do to get involved click HERE and  HERE and you can read another very interesting book HERE.





The Next Decade: Empire and Republic in a Changing World


George Friedman  
If there is a more informative thinker writing today, you let me know - EXTRAORDINARY - 5 STARS !!!! 

By A Customer TOP 500 REVIEWERVINE™ VOICE

Format:Hardcover
Amazon Verified PurchaseIn the 1950's John Von Neumann was acknowledged as the greatest mathematician of the 20th century. A man so smart that the United States military said that when you asked Von Neumann a question, if he answered you, there was no need to think about it any longer. He was that far ahead of everyone else in the room. Author George Friedman is an extraordinary thinker, and he is paid to think, which makes for an interesting profession. Born in Hungary, and educated at the City College of New York, he has a Ph.D. in government from Cornell. He then teaches for 20 years at Dickinson College.



His real deal however is that for years he would brief senior commanders in the armed services, and you can't blow smoke when you do this. People simply get onto you, and they do not suffer fools gladly. For years now, he has run Stratfor which is a think tank specializing in intelligence matters. They also have a paid subscription service for those who are interested in current, cutting edge information on geo-political matters. He has authored more than a half dozen books, all of which have been profoundly interesting and what I call page-turners.



In this book, The Next Decade, Friedman only goes out ten years in time compared to his previous work when he went out 100 years. It is the author's contention that with the demise of the Soviet Union, the United States has become pre-eminent in the world militarily, politically, economically, and no one is even close. We have become an EMPIRE like it or not. Now we may be an Empire that doesn't like being an Empire similar to ancient Rome or Great Britain in the 19th century, but it doesn't change facts, and the facts are we are what we are.



The second theme of this book is that since we are an Empire, we must learn to manage the Empire, and at this, it does not seem that we have given it much thought. The author does a thorough job of going through three Presidents, Lincoln, FDR and Reagan, all of whom were great influences in the creation of our Empire. As Great Britain was the pivot point of the world up until WWI, the United States is now the pivot point or fulcrum of the world and that is not going to change. His feelings on China are darn right fascinating. He believes the so-called Chinese miracle will come to an end fairly soon, and China's growth rate will slow down to that of a mature economic power. This may well be. It is also Friedman's opinion that in another five years if China's growth continues, they will still have a billion people living in abject poverty. You don't read this kind of thinking anywhere else.



Is An EMPIRE Worth the Price of a Republic?



Friedman very clearly brings forth a concept that the very creation of an empire means a loss of liberty to some extent for its citizens. The question becomes how great a loss, but it is obvious that the author worries about this loss of liberty. Do we want our government to install sufficient numbers of computers at the National Security Agency to monitor one billion phone calls? What does this mean for democracy in America, and the loss of personal freedom associated with it? This is really the big question for the author, and it needs to be thought about and answered.



On the foreign policy side, the author believes that terrorism cannot be eradicated from the earth, but sufficiently damaged as to bring it under control. Al Qaeda has sought to create chaos in the Muslim world, and reconstitute an Islamic Caliphate, which was a theocracy established by Mohammad in the 7th century. Clearly, this is not going to happen. At the same time, the United States invades Iraq, and then re-invades Afghanistan recently, a process Friedman refers to as slamming into the Muslim world. These are really spoiling attacks, and they cost us dearly in terms of treasure, and energy.



We have put a trillion dollars into Iraq and we don't even know the amount for Afghanistan, although we do know that one American solider costs us one million dollars per year to send overseas. That amounts to a billion dollars per 1,000 soldiers, a number that is not even comprehendible under normal thinking. Friedman's answer seems to be that the United States should encourage regional balances of power. If we continue to build up Japan, South Korea and Indonesia, than we do not have to worry about China. This is because China will be concerned with their newly powerful neighbors.



He feels that we have not created a proper working relationship with Russia, and we have driven the Russians into a working relationship with the Germans of all people. At first it does not make sense, but then when you follow his logic and this author always has impeccable logic, it does make sense. The Germans do not want any more immigration. They have massive problems with the people coming into the country now including the Arabs. At the same time, the Germans have massive technological expertise, on a par with America. The Russians have massive manpower and not technology. You can combine the two and both Germany and Russia will benefit. It makes sense, and this is why you read Friedman. So what is the answer for America in the event this alliance becomes stronger? The answer is we re-invigorate Poland, to offset the power created by Germany and its new friend Russia.



CONCLUSION



I have always looked forward to George Friedman's next new book. His thinking is refreshing, it's original, it's provocative, but most of all, it is always brilliant and cutting edge. Every time I read Friedman, I feel like I am the President of the United States getting a briefing on a topic. It is that good. When he talks about the United States being a DEEP POWER, and Europe being a WEAK POWER, it all becomes clear. It hits it right on the head when he says that we Americans don't like being an Empire. We don't want an Empire, but we like the BENEFITS OF ONE. We want all the growth potential of OPEN MARKETS but we don't want the PAIN that comes from it. In politics we want and have enormous INFLUENCE in the world, but we don't want other people's RESENTMENT, and it goes hand in hand.



Finally, we are a COMMERCIAL REPUBLIC. As a 200 year old country, we were built on TRADE. That is why we have the largest navy in history-to protect the sea lanes. As the dominant power on the earth we have to manage our power. We could choose not to, but if we choose to be oblivious to our power, than the author likens us to a rampaging elephant and that doesn't seem helpful. Read the book and enlighten yourself. We are citizens of the most important country ever created. We owe it to ourselves to be individually responsible for our country's acts. Buy the book today, and thank you for reading this review.



Richard C. Stoyeck

5Machiavelli for the 21st Century
By Mercenary Trader

Format:Hardcover
Amazon Verified PurchaseGeorge Friedman's "The Next Decade" could alternately be described as Machiavelli 101 or a crash course in realpolitik.



Friedman's central thrust is this: America is an accidental empire - like it or hate it, the world must deal with it - and it is thus in the United States' best interest to maintain the "balance of power" at all costs.



The balance of power is predicated on status quo. When you are at the top of the heap (as America is in Friedman's view), any major shifts threaten to destabilize the top dog's position. As the British and Roman empires did before it, the American empire must anticipate and prevent such shifts, blocking up-and-comers from excessive power accumulation.



As Friedman sees it, a century is about events but a decade is about people. The main actor over the next ten years will be the POTUS, or President of the United States. In his role as shaper of strategy and manager of expectations, the POTUS must act as a classic "prince" in the Machiavelli mold.



This role also involves double-dealing with the populace, in terms of appearing to meet unreasonable demands (such as overwhelming focus on the war on terrorism) while actually focusing on more critical things (behind-the-scenes issues too nuanced or complicated to explain).



To safeguard America's interests, Friedman endorses what one might call an enlightened amorality - doing what is necessary for the sake of the greater good. Friedman argues for a middle ground between the idealists and the realists, pointing out unworkable flaws at both extremes. The idealists are ill-equipped to function in the real world, while the realists find themselves lost without a guiding moral compass. Ruthless execution in commitment to moral principle is the solution Friedman endorses.



It is easy to see how many people, Americans and non-Americans alike, will be offended by this book. Some will resent the broad brush strokes Friedman uses. Others will resent the hard-nosed subordination of idealistic principles, or strongly disagree with certain controversial forecasts.



But in many ways this book is more valuable as a high level thinking exercise than a blueprint for world events. It is useful to understand, if only in abstract, the various drivers that shape international relations - many of them deliberately unspoken.



Within the text, Friedman makes many provocative assertions. For example:



* Increased global interdependence via free trade can actually increase, rather than decrease, the danger of war.



* Osama Bin Laden's goal in attacking the U.S. was to encourage local overthrow of Middle Eastern governments (by demonstrating that seemingly invulnerable power structures are actually weak).



* Iran calculatingly embraced a "North Korea" strategy of appearing crazy and unstable for greater advantage at the negotiation table.



* It will be in America's best interests (from a balance of power standpoint) to back away from Israel - and strike up an uneasy strategic partnership with Iran.



* The European Union was formed out of necessity as a counterbalance to the consolidated power of America and the USSR.



* Poland will be a regional linchpin, especially in terms of counterbalancing a Germany-Russia linkage.



* The U.S. will need a nurturing relationship with China to contain a growing power imbalance with Japan (rather than the other way round).



Again, the most helpful thing about "The Next Decade" is not necessarily the accuracy of the fault lines portrayed, but the illumination of critical thinking as applied by geopolitical strategists in today's world.



As a trader with a global macro focus, my biggest criticism - and the reason the book only gets four stars - is because of the short shrift given to the causes and consequences of the global financial crisis.



In his chapter on the financial crisis, Friedman tips his hand early by saying "there was nothing at all extraordinary about what happened in 2008." (Really!) For the next few pages, the tendency to engage in sweeping generalities overlooks critical details that still shape the world situation today.



Friedman seems oblivious to the fact that the Federal Reserve, the banking system it serves, and Wall Street on the whole have their own internal geopolitics - a mix of influence, legacy and corruption that impacts the global economy greatly.



One is willing to give Friedman a partial pass in this area, as macroeconomics and monetary policy are not his chosen forte. Still, though, the weighting of various financial crisis variables seemed unacceptably light, given how money and finance could aggressively shape some potentially dramatic outcomes in the next few years. (Weimar Germany anyone? Panic of 1907?)



All in all, "The Next Decade" is a fast read (243 pages, written in plain English) that will certainly make you think, whether you whole-heartedly adopt Friedman's view or disagree with every page. The book could prove an especially fruitful exercise for traders and investors seeking to hone their big picture skills, via the extra practice of connecting dots and putting puzzle pieces together.



JS

The 2010s in the Eyes of a Top-Flight Thinker
By Eric Mayforth

Format:HardcoverAs hard as it is to believe, it has been more than a decade since the big ball fell in Times Square to denote the arrival of the twenty-first century. The first ten years of the century were dominated by the 9/11 attacks and the response to them that followed, as well as the financial crisis that rocked the world late in the decade. In "The Next Decade," George Friedman turns his attention to the second decade of the century.



Friedman argues that the United States is now an empire in that we can "rarely take a step without threatening some nation or benefiting another," and that we have an effect on so many countries--in some cases the impact is huge.



The author is concerned that America will lose the soul of its republic, and describes the type of president the country will need in order to balance the demands of empire with the retention of the republic, and showed how Lincoln, FDR, and Reagan balanced various demands in the past in order to further America's best interest.



The Middle East was the central focus of attention for our foreign policy in the last decade, and Friedman puts forth proposed solutions for relations with Israel and Iran in the new decade. He supports a balance of power approach that prevents coalitions from forming against U.S. interests and avoids the necessity of America becoming bogged down in any one region of the world, and also offers his opinion concerning the viability of the total elimination of the threat from terrorists.



Europe was repeatedly a flashpoint in the twentieth century, and the author devotes two chapters of the book to Russia and Europe--he thinks that one of the great dangers that Europe will face in the 2010s is a renewed entente between Russia and Germany and what the United States can do to prevent such an alliance. Other chapters discuss the Western Pacific, Africa, and the Western Hemisphere.



The majority of "The Next Decade" is devoted to foreign policy, but Friedman does look back at the 2008 financial crisis and the effect it will have on governments around the world in the near future. The author closes with a chapter on technology and demography, and discusses how those two areas will present challenges that must be addressed in the next ten years.



When the Soviet Union fell, many believed that history as we knew it was coming to an end. The first decade of the century proved otherwise, and whether or not you agree with Friedman on every issue, this book is an outstanding guide by one of America's best thinkers to "The Next Decade."