Showing posts with label Gazprom. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Gazprom. Show all posts

Wednesday, June 4, 2014

D-Day and Eternal Life: Taking On the Impossible

An interesting article from http://www.ucg.org/ about D-Day. This follows this post about America as a world power.  For a free magazine subscription or to get the book recommended for free click HERE! or call 1-888-886- 8632. You can follow me at blogspot here and at twitter here https://twitter.com/brianleesblog. Please consider following both in case one goes down!


D-Day and Eternal Life: Taking On the Impossible





Printer-friendly version

Submitted May 30, 2014

gun emplacement at Normandy beach
Source: freeimages.com/babykrul
Can you achieve the impossible?
Next week, on June 6 th is D-Day, the commemoration of Operation Overlord, the Allied invasion of France on the Normandy coast in 1944. It was the largest coordinated invasion in history. It made the Spanish Armada look like toy-boats.
It’s been made into so many movies and included in so many storylines since the Second World War that those of us born in the interim think of it in those terms; Saving Private Ryan , Band of Brothers , The War by Ken Burns, or The Longest Day (for old movie buffs), among so many others. Countless books, interviews, and accounts of the experience have been recorded, but if we can step back to the months leading up to that day we’d realize that it was probably the most audacious military plan in modern history.
Who could have imagined that the armies and navies of multiple nations could coordinate with enough expertise and relative selflessness so as to uproot and push back a deeply entrenched enemy? The high ground is one of the most strategic elements in the history of warfare. If you have it, you will likely win with a modicum of competence. Yet the Allies had none of that, they were faced with a direct run onto a beach that would be scoured with gun fire. Their enemies had immense, concrete gun emplacements that still exist to this day.
In fairness, the German war machine was beginning to crumble, but after nearly six years of fighting they were by no means ready to give up. Yet, in the end, after the fighting that took place from village to village along the Normandy coast had begun to slow and as targets further inland were secured by the Allies, it became clear during the next twelve months that the Axis powers were failing and on May 8, 1945 Germany tendered unconditional surrender of its military.
What about us?
The Allies took on the impossible and accomplished a military miracle (undoubtedly with help from God). Is it possible for us to take on the impossible, too?
Let’s leave physical warfare behind and step up to consider the spiritual plane of existence. Can we go from our physical, human existence to a spirit existence, like God? According to many religious traditions this concept is blasphemous for the average person, only the truly gifted, beautiful or otherwise perfected individuals were fit for an upward shift to a “god-like” state. And by “god-like” I don’t mean the true God, but the likes of the Greek and Egyptian pantheons of gods and their ilk.
But the Bible, God’s revealed word, says something entirely different, “…we shall all be changed—in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, at the last trumpet. For the trumpet will sound, and the dead will be raised incorruptible, and we shall be changed. For this corruptible must put on incorruption, and this mortal must put on immortality,” (1 Corinthians:15:51-53, NKJV, emphasis added). God generously offers us eternal life through our repentance, baptism, receiving of the Holy Spirit, and above all, the value of the sacrifice of His Son, Jesus Christ, which covers all sins in the lives of all people who have ever lived and will ever live.
So, the impossible becomes possible. We can conquer the finite nature of our physical human lifetime and consciousness, and be resurrected into God’s spirit family. But it requires some commitment and action on our part—we have to move toward where God and His truth is by studying, praying, submitting to and obeying God and His laws. To learn more about this process, please read Transforming Your Life: The Process of Conversion and as you read, follow along in your Bible to understand just how God’s plan is revealed in His word.
Just like D-Day, the journey begins the moment we step into the water—in our case, the waters of baptism—and it ends with the resurrection to eternal life as Jesus Christ returns to the earth. And technically, that’s really just the beginning!




Friday, March 7, 2014

The Fifth Anniversary of Hillary’s Reset Button

A timely post about from www.hughhewitt.com about Hillary Clinton's reset button. This follows this post about the GOP's unfortunate Tax policy. In the meantime, you can get more involved if you like here and read an interesting book HERE.
You can follow me at blogspot here and at twitter here https://twitter.com/brianleesblog. Please consider following both in case one goes down!


The Fifth Anniversary of Hillary’s Reset Button

  posted by Hugh Hewitt




Hillary gave Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov a reset button on March 6, 2009.  The button was intended to become a symbols and it very much has. No doubt more than a few people in Ukraine are thinking about that button as their country is chopped into into the bits Putin wants and those he doesn’t. t hope someone at the RNC hires some college kid to follow Hillary around dressed as a reset button.  I hope they hire many reset buttons in fact, on each for the abandoned peoples of Iraq, Libya, Syria, and now Crimea.
It is astonishing that so failed a figure would presume to seek the presidency but she is measuring herself against Joe Biden so that is a partial explanation.  I am faster than John Goodman, though, and I don’t think of myself as an Olympic medal contender.
I have asked a number of pundits, reporters or elected officials to tell me what she accomplished in her long tenure at State.  Here are a few of those responses:
[Update: Joy Reid, Nicholas Kristof and Jonathan Alter have all made relatively new contributions to this long string which deserve reading in whole.]
The New York Times’ Mark Leibovich:
HH: Now the, I’m going to quote from This Town, Mark Leibovich’s very significant bestselling book of 2013. “When you spend time in Washington, you have to make sure if you’re going to be honest about it, that it’s not going to bleed into your own sensibility as a journalist or as a public figure or whatever, because it’s so easy to fall into that trap.” You said that to me in July. With that in mind, how would you describe Hillary Clinton’s achievements as Secretary of State?
ML: Geez. Look, I think, I don’t cover the State Department. Look, you have that look on your face like you expect me to duck this question.
HH: No, I expect you not to be able to say anything, because she didn’t do anything.
ML: I actually didn’t, I don’t, here’s the deal. I have not written any stories on Hillary Clinton since 2008. How about, what’s like the graceful way to duck a question?
HH: Not even duck, just as if we’re playing Jeopardy!.
ML: Yeah, I honestly don’t know.
HH: Nobody can come up with anything, Mark.
ML: Yeah, let’s see. What did she do? I mean, she traveled a lot. That’s the thing. They’re always like, well, she logged eight zillion miles. It’s like, since when did that become like diplomacy by odometer?
E.J. Dionne:
What were her accomplishments as Secretary of State?
EJD: I think first of all, her accomplishments inevitably are going to be linked to what we see as Obama’s accomplishments. And if you see, as I do, ending the war in Iraq, knowing the place is a mess now in many ways, but getting our troops out of Iraq, that’s part of it. I think that for the period she was secretary of State, opinion of the United States rose in the world. I think that she did a lot of work on human rights and women’s rights around the world. I think that, and you know, and you and I will just plain have to disagree on this. I think at that end of her four years, we were in a better position in the world than we were when she took the job. And that is the old Ronald Reagan question.
HH: Well how do you, why would you say that? Why were we in a better position?
EJD: Because I think that you know, fighting two wars at the same time drained, first of all, cost a lot of lives and also a lot of casualties. It stretched American power in a way that I don’t think strengthened us in the world. I think the war was a mistake, and that getting out of there has actually put us in a position over the long run to recalibrate our foreign policies into being a stronger position in the world.
HH: So when she runs, her biggest accomplishment for four years at State is she helped President Obama pull the cord on Iraq?
EJD: Well, I do think that that is a big deal to a lot of Americans. Most Americans came to disagree with the war and wanted to end it.
HH: But I mean, that’s it for Hillary, for four years, that she…
EJD: No, I think you could go through, I think there are a lot of things you can look at in terms of her dealing with both in Asia and Africa how she has sort of, she advanced development goals in the third world, building, by the way, on some of the good things George W. Bush did.
HH: But I mean, I can name the…
EJD: The heralded good deeds were, you know, had a lot to do with the poorest countries on Earth.
HH: 45 seconds, E.J., until we’re doing. I just, just a specific, though. I can name the Bush AIDS Initiative, I can show you where the money was spent. I really don’t think there’s anything on Hillary’s resume.
EJD: Well, you know, the next time I do the show, I will prep for that list. I was actually thinking more about Chirstie and the interest in augural address he actually gave for that.
HH: Well, he got snowed out. You took me off course when you said why was he not more curious about the story, and I instantly thought of Hillary on the night of Benghazi.
Lanny Davis:
HH: All right, one question, you’ve got a minute. Summarize for me what she accomplished as Secretary of State.
LD: Well, the biggest thing of all is goodwill around the world, which is what secretaries of State do.
HH: Like in Syria…
LD: I don’t know what any secretary of State…
HH: …and Egypt and Libya?
LD: I don’t know, well, Libya and certainly the intervention in Libya and getting rid of Qaddafi, you would say that’s a pretty good achievement for the President. But these are presidential achievements with a partnership of the secretary of State. What do secretaries of State do? For example, she was very instrumental in the details of the Iranian sanctions program, which has produced, apparently, some results. I’m very skeptical about this deal in Iran on the nuclear weaponry. But the credit she deserves on this sanctions program, which literally was her program in the State Department to enforce, but in partnership with Barack Obama.
HH: So her achievement is that…
LD: But this doesn’t change the question about the secretary of State having achievement. This is a secretary of State is the most popular woman in the world and restored relations with everyone in the world.
The Washington Post’s Dana Milbank:
What was Secretary of State Clinton’s accomplishments as Secretary of State?
DM: Well, she, I suppose what she accomplished for her reputation was, she increased her standing to the point of invincibility. I…
HH: But what did she actually do, Dana Milbank?
DM: Well, I don’t know. What did Lawrence Eagleberger do? You know, I don’t believe we had any major peace treaties under her. We didn’t, we had some, a, brief military actions, but basically cleaning up the ones that were in place. So I don’t, you know…
HH: You’re a columnist. I’m just asking. Do you think she accomplished anything? Or was she basically a non-entity at State?
DM: I think she was successful in the sense of projecting a strong American image abroad, but, and restoring American standing and reputation in the world. But these are nebulous…
HH: Dana, how do you get there? How do you measure that? I mean, what, under that talking point, what are the data points?
DM: Well, right, what I was saying before you said that is these are, this is, that’s sort of a nebulous notion of American standing. So…and whether we are more popular in European and foreign capitals, I’m not sure whether that particularly matters. But you know, I mean, I certainly didn’t come on this call to be a defender of Hillary Clinton.
Politico’s Maggie Haberman:
HH: What is her biggest achievement as secretary of State?
MH: I think that the folks around her believe that among the biggest achievements was, and you’ve seen this pointed to a lot, was the amount of travel time she logged. They felt very good about the Chinese dissident, and how the disposition of that case went in 2012. I think that what they, and what most people are prepared for is a lot of questions about the aftermath of Benghazi, and I think there was a 60 Minutes piece about that, that went out yesterday. I think there’s going to be a lot more of that. I think that this is where the fact that most people believe she is running, but she has not set up a team of any kind in any meaningful way, potentially becomes problematic, because if her folks believe that they have something to say in response to that and they’re not, they’re sort of letting time slip away from them.
HH: But pause for a moment with me on the achievement side.
MH: Sure.
HH: Articulate further. What is it that people say is her achievement? That she logged a lot of miles? What, is she running for George Clooney’s role in Up In The Air?
MH: (laughing) That has been certainly one of the focuses that her folks have talked about. They’ve also talked about how she ran a functional effort at State. Look, I think that when you hear from her world about what her accomplishments were, I think that they genuinely believe that she had made progress in terms of how America was perceived. People can agree or disagree with that. I think that that is obviously been coming into question now, and this is again something I think she’s going to have to talk about more. She’s clearly aware of that, but she’s not saying much about it so far, on the NSA issue. It’s very, very difficult for a former Obama administration official to run a sort of smoke and mirrors campaign on foreign policy. She’s going to have a very hard time doing that.
HH: Well, I know all the critiques, because I’m a conservative talk show host. So I know what all the vulnerabilities are.
MH: Right.
HH: I’m just curious as to what they think her strengths are, other than, you know, frequent flyer miles.
MH: Look, they think that she was an effective diplomat. They think that she was good at helping America’s image globally. They have a couple of cases like the case of the Chinese dissident where they think that State played a very effective role. She was among those who was pressing for more action in Syria of a restricted type earlier on than what you saw the Obama administration ultimately do this year. But you know, look, she was not, she certainly was not part of the team that, say, was dealing with Israel. She was not integral in that way, and so I think for some of the issues that are the hottest right now, globally, she was not a key factor in them.\
HH: So a Chinese dissident? That’s it?
MH: Well, I think we will see what they issue as her biggest strength as secretary of State. That has not been a case they’ve been emphasizing so far. You’ve, I’m sure, read the New York Magazine piece, like everybody else, where they talked about again, her time as secretary of State which was largely mechanical, at least in the focus of that piece, and how they thought she had run an effective effort. Everything with Hillary Clinton gets looked at through the prism of how she manages whatever team she’s running, and that’s been where a lot of the focus has been.
HH: Well, it’s very interesting to me, though, as you report early on, they are going to try, Team Clinton is going to try and give you the talking points, which they hope then enter into the bloodstream, and into the circulatory system of Washington, D.C. that is Politico, and then out through the rest of the country. And what I’m hearing you say is they’ve got a Chinese dissident.
MH: No, I think, but I think that when you’ve asked me off the top of my head what are some of the things that her folks have pointed to over the last two years, that has certainly been one of the cases.
HH: Anything else, Maggie?
MH: Yes, there are others, but I’m just not coming up with them at the moment, but, and I’m not trying to avoid the question.
HH: Oh, I know you’re not. I just don’t think there’s anything there. I think, actually, her biggest problem is that there is no there there. She occupied the State Department, and there’s nothing to show for it. I guess there’s this Chinese dissident, but I’m, that’s not, that’s not a name that’s tripping off of my tongue right now. Do you know his name?
MH: I think that, no, at the moment, I actually cannot think of his name. I think that they’re, I think this is going to be an ongoing problem for her. I think that showing sort of a body of work at State is going to be something that she’s going to be pressed to do increasingly, and I think that running sort of a shadow campaign through paid speeches and free speeches over the course of the next year, I think is going to not cut it eventually, not just for conservative critics, but I think on the left. I think she’s going to have a problem.
HH: But doesn’t this sort of underscore the major problem? Here I am, a conservative critic, and I know the critique. And you’re a mainstream reporter, and as far as I know, you have no ideology. You’re one of the people at Politico that I don’t put on the left or the right, you’re just down the middle.
MH: Yeah.
HH: And neither of us can come up with any claim that she has to having succeeded at anything, and they are not able, they didn’t spin you, because they’ve got nothing to spin you with. It’s like the washing machine’s broke.
MH: Well, we’ll see. I mean, I think we need to see what they ultimately come up, to be fair. I think that since she’s not yet running, I think looking at how they present her and present what she did there is an open question.
HH: They’ll come up with something. What I’m getting at is, how long have you been with Politico, five years?
MH: Four years, three and a half years.
HH: Okay, so almost her entire tenure at State, and I’ve been on the air since 2000. And I can’t think of anything, and I’m giving you the floor. If you can come up with anything for her case, lay it out there. Just from the top of mine, it should be front shelf, right?
MH: It certainly is not, there is not a giant list that I think people can point to.
HH: There is no list.
MH: There are a couple, and I think there’s a couple of reasons for that like I said. With the major issue of dealing with Israel, she was not front and center. And she certainly received criticism early on in terms of how the U.S. dealt with Russia. I think these are all going to be issues that she is going to have to address, and I suspect she is going to get asked about them repeatedly, and by many, many outlets.
HH: I mean, it’s just a big, we’re done, but go around the bullpen at Politico and ask them what did she do, and it’s going to be a giant whiteboard, and there’s not going to be anything on it, Maggie.
MH: I like the invocation of whiteboard, though.
HH: It is a whiteboard. Maggie Haberman, great piece today, great process piece, but boy, she’s got problems if after writing it, you don’t have the list at the tip of the tongue. The Clintonistas had better come up with a list, because there’s nothing on it. Really, nothing.
Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker:
HH: Now we’ve got fiasco underway in Kiev, we had Leopoldo Lopez arrested in Venezuela yesterday, and the Middle East in turmoil. Now Hillary’s legacy is she lost South America, she lost the Middle East, now she’s losing Ukraine. Does she really seem like a presidential candidate to you?
SW: No, it’s pretty shocking. That was going to be her bread and butter, between that and obviously the horrible tragedy in Benghazi, it’s not much of a track record out there. But it goes not just to that position. It goes to the large issue of the presidency. I was talking last year with George Schultz and asking him about Syria, and it was interesting, he started telling me a story of how going into World War II, of course, he was a Marine in World War II, and he said his sergeant in boot camp told him that his firearm was going to be his best friend, he needed to sleep with it, eat with it. But the most important thing you should know is never to point it at anyone he wasn’t prepared to shoot. And as much as that sounds like a good old war story from a World War II veteran, the reality is it’s a great lesson for foreign policy, that you need to show that if you’re going to say something as a country, you’ve got to mean it. Unfortunately, we don’t have enough of that these days.
HH: So Governor Walker, obviously, you have reelection to worry about, and you’re focused on your campaign. There’s a good economy and a recovery underway in Wisconsin. The Ronnie Earl of Wisconsin has laid down his weapons and stopped trying to indict you on false charges. So everything looks good for you. But if you do decide to run for president, are you intimidated by the prospect of Hillary, whose got more frequent flyer miles than the airlines combined standing across the stage and dropping names and the places she’s been against this record of failure after failure after failure.
SW: I think the biggest problem that Secretary of State Clinton has is much bigger than just that, it’s that she is throughout her adult life, she has been a product of Washington, whether she’s been there, worked there, Secretary of State, United States Senator, not only first lady, but back to her days working on the Hill. And I think Americans now more than ever have had it with the whole bunch in Washington, and they want somebody to come in, actually, they want a group of people to come in and completely turn things around and reform things, and put the power back in the hands of the hard-working people of this country. So I think for her, her connection, her longevity connected to Washington, more than anything, is going to be a huge liability for her.
HH: Was she a failure as Secretary of State?
SW: Well, I have a hard time pointing to many successes. I mean, you look at, you mention the problems around the world. She was good at flying around and traveling, but I have a hard time seeing any major victories for this country, and for what it means across the world up there. And again, there’s a lot of uncertainty in this world, and now more than ever, one of the things I forget about, people talk, you know, nostalgically about Ronald Reagan. I was someone who came of age when he became the President. I just had turned 13 two days before he was elected in 1980. But I look at that, and I remember fondly not only because he was a great communicator, and what I like more than anything was his great optimism. But I think back to early in his presidency when he took on the air traffic controllers. That, in effect, seemed like a domestic policy, but I would argue it was kind of the beginning of the end of the Cold War. Why? Because people knew anywhere around the world that this guy was serious, and he meant something, that he was going to act on it, and amazingly, actually, during his presidency, he had very limited military engagement, because people knew they weren’t going to mess with the United States.



Tuesday, February 11, 2014

Europe's Growing Energy Worries

An interesting article from http://www.ucg.org/ about Europe becoming more dependent on Russia for energy. This follows this post about Valentine's Day. For a free magazine subscription or to get the book shown for free click HERE! or call 1-888-886- 8632.







Europe's Growing Energy Worries

Printer-friendly version


To what extent should the European Union be dependent on foreign sources of energy? That question is a matter of growing concern for EU leaders. Case in point: Natural gas.

When European Union Commission President José Manuel Barroso, EU chief foreign diplomat Javier Solana and Austrian Chancellor Wolfgang Schüssel visited Russian President Vladimir Putin at the Black Sea resort of Sochi on May 25, they were not in a holiday mood. Instead, their agenda consisted mainly of two important questions for the Russian leader: What does the future hold for the EU-Russian economic partnership, and how dependable are Russian energy deliveries to Europe?
The meeting between Putin and his European visitors reflects Europe's increasing dependence on foreign energy supplies, primarily from the Persian Gulf and Russia. Of the two regions, Russia is currently the greater source of concern. Russia is viewed by many in Europe as using its vast energy resources to position itself as a global "energy player," a type of "fossil fuels superpower."
In an analysis published in November 2000 on the subject of energy security, the EU Commission warned that by the year 2030 Europe would be importing 90 percent of the petroleum it needs, up from the current 76 percent. The same trend is predicted for natural gas, the other leading component in Europe's energy mix. This year Europe will import about 40 percent of the natural gas it consumes. Three fourths of those imports come from Russia and the rest come mainly from the Persian Gulf. With Europe's own natural gas reserves being depleted—largely in the Netherlands and the North Sea—Russia will be supplying well over half the natural gas used in Europe by 2030.
Russia's energy giant Gazprom is already the dominant energy supplier for natural gas in several new EU countries in eastern Europe. It has a market share of 100 percent in the Baltic States and in Slovakia, 99 percent in Poland and 82 percent in the Czech Republic. Gazprom's current market share of 35 percent in Germany will jump in 2010 when the new North European Gas Pipeline comes on line, supplying Germany directly from Russia via a pipeline that will be laid on the floor of the Baltic Sea.
Limited options
Europe's options for reducing its dependence on foreign energy are limited. Gas and oil account for 60 percent of the energy used in Europe. The rest of Europe's energy comes from domestic sources: Nuclear power (15 percent), coal (18 percent) and renewable energy sources (about 7 percent).
However, environmental concerns create considerable resistance to expanding the use of nuclear power and coal. In Germany, for example, all nuclear power plants currently in use are required to be phased out by 2020. Renewable sources of energy won't make up the gap caused by using less nuclear power and coal. The result? An increase in the demand for oil and natural gas, which have to be imported.
Some argue that Europe's concerns about its growing dependency on Russian natural gas are unfounded. After all, the European Union is Gazprom's main customer. About three fourths of Russian gas exports are delivered to Europe, and the rest is sold to former Soviet republics who generally pay much less than Europe does. In 2005 the EU accounted for 65 percent of Gazprom's total gross receipts, with the bill for imported gas totaling approximately 19.6 billion euros.
It's no surprise that Gazprom CEO Alexei Miller, handpicked by Vladimir Putin for his job, once remarked that "in this century there won't be any problem meeting Europe's gas requirements. Whatever amount of gas Europe needs, that's what Gazprom will deliver."
That seemed to be the sentiment when the first section of the new North European Gas Pipeline was welded together on Dec. 9, 2005, at a ceremony 250 miles northeast of Moscow with Gazprom officials and Germany's new economics minister, Michael Glos, in attendance. According to Glos, the new pipeline highlighted a "further milestone of German-Russian cooperation," important for ensuring Europe's future energy needs.
Wulf Bernotat, head of German natural gas provider E.ON, described the new pipeline as "a direct and reliable connection to Russia's huge natural gas reserves" ( Hamburger Abendblatt, Dec. 10, 2005).
It seems odd, then, that just five months later concerns about Russia's reliability had become so important. What influenced European thinking?
When the lights went out in the Ukraine
As part of the former Soviet Union, the Ukraine had been one of Gazprom's "special" customers, getting natural gas at a price well below the world market price. However, when Gazprom announced well ahead of January 2006 that a different price structure would take effect this year, the Ukraine balked at the new price. In late December 2005, Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko refused a last minute offer by Russian President Vladimir Putin to continue receiving cheap gas for another three months in exchange for a promise to accept Gazprom's new price starting April 1, 2006. On Jan. 1, 2006, Gazprom engineers cut off supplies of natural gas to the Ukraine.
Gazprom actually runs five gas lines into the Ukraine. Two lines are for the Ukraine, and the other three are transit lines into Europe to supply some of Gazprom's European customers. About 80 percent of Gazprom's natural gas for Europe runs through the Ukraine.
When pressure in the three transit lines started to drop, Gazprom accused the Ukraine of stealing natural gas. Ukrainian officials responded by referring to the transit fees Gazprom had agreed to pay for routing the lines through Ukrainian territory. The fees—paid in natural gas, not cash—could not be collected any other way since the Ukraine had been cut off from Gazprom gas.
When pressure in the gas lines supplying European customers began to drop—especially in Austria—EU leaders urged Russia and the Ukraine to resolve their dispute. Four days later Russia and the Ukraine settled their dispute with a new five-year agreement, and Gazprom turned on the gas again. The mid-winter gas dispute had European analysts and commentators warning about a new "cold war" of a different sort, since much of the natural gas exported to Europe is used for heating.
In the aftermath of the Ukrainian gas crisis, European leaders wondered how reliable Gazprom really is as a supplier. Gazprom's tactics toward the Ukraine were a reminder of what happened when Lithuania became the first of the former Soviet republics to declare its independence from Moscow in 1990. Moscow reacted by simply cutting off oil and gas deliveries to Lithuania. Those facts belied reassurances that gas supplies to Western Europe were never interrupted for political reasons during the Cold War.
EU disunited energy policy
Europe's dependence on imported energy is aggravated by the lack of a joint energy policy for the European Union, which is all the more remarkable since the EU is the world's largest importer of energy. Like other critical areas, including taxation and economic policy, energy policy is still determined at the national level. The result is that Europe has no common approach to dealing with Gazprom. Each individual EU member negotiates its own contracts with the Russian energy giant, and Gazprom has been more than willing to utilize a "divide and conquer" strategy.
The lack of a unified European energy policy also results in contradictory approaches among EU members. While Germany is scheduled to phase out all nuclear power generation by 2020, a large portion of France's electricity is produced by atomic energy. Some of France's excess capacity is occasionally sold to German utility companies—a common practice in Europe. So even though nuclear power will soon no longer be used to generate electricity in Germany, some Germans may still be using electricity generated by nuclear plants in neighboring France.
The lack of a joint energy policy has also delayed any attempt to look for other countries as possible sources for imported energy, which would lessen Europe's heavy reliance on just two regions as suppliers.
For far too long European countries simply relied on free market forces to determine energy pricing. With China's and India's needs for imported energy growing at a fast pace, it will be difficult—if not impossible—for Europe to dislodge itself from its dependence on its current suppliers. With an ever-larger energy crunch looming on Europe's horizon, look for energy policy within the European Union eventually to be decided on a supranational level.
Don't be surprised if Europe's energy crisis begins to affect its foreign policy decisions, especially vis-à-vis the two regions that supply the bulk of European energy imports: Russia and the Persian Gulf. The end-time "king of the North" spoken of in Daniel 11 apparently will be the final ruler of an end-time, European-centered superpower, the same one called "the beast" in Revelation 17.
The final resurrection of the Roman Empire can be seen today in embryonic form in the European Union. This is not to say that all current EU nations will be part of the final configuration, but those that choose to participate will combine to form a powerful military force. Daniel 11:40-43 shows that the end-time king of the North will move against the Middle East.
Other prophecies indicate that religion may be part of the reason for Europe's interest in the Middle East. However, history shows that economic reasons can be a major cause for warfare (James 4:1-2), and Europe's economy depends on oil imports from the Persian Gulf.
Once the king of the North has occupied a considerable portion of the Middle East, news from an area northeast of the Holy Land (verse 44) will be the catalyst for further military action. Is there an important economic factor for Europe northeast of Jerusalem? Yes—the vast natural gas deposits of Russia, located largely in Siberia. WNP

Tuesday, February 4, 2014

Current Events & Trends: Russia flexes its muscles in Ukraine

An interesting article from http://www.ucg.org/ about Russia's foreign policy in Ukraine. This follows this post about differences within Christianity. This follows this post about Valentine's DayFor a free magazine subscription or to get the book shown for free click HERE! or call 1-888-886- 8632.


Current Events & Trends: Russia flexes its muscles

Printer-friendly version


A feature article in the Financial Times quoted Georgian diplomat and foreign policy analyst Alexander Rondeli as joking "that while Russians may not be good at 'soft power'—the art of attraction—'they know how to do soft blackmail'" (Neil Buckley and Roman Olearchyk, "Eastern Europe: Which Way to Turn?" Nov. 11, 2013).

One nation currently feeling the pressure is Ukraine. Russia has constructed 62 miles of barbed-wire fence along their common border. And the Russian natural gas monopoly Gazprom has demanded that cash-strapped Kiev pay its overdue gas bill of nearly $900 million, threatening yet another Russian shutoff (James Marson, "Russia Warns Ukraine Over Gas Bill," The Wall Street Journal, Oct. 29).
Meanwhile the European Union and Ukraine are not far from closing a natural gas deal that would free Kiev from relying on Russian gas. Clearly Brussels and Moscow are vying for Ukraine. Some see Russian bullying as driving Kiev into the arms of the European Union. Yet the EU has also been exercising a milder form of bullying to encourage Ukraine to throw in its lot with Europe by joining the EU.
Russian influence is also increasingly felt in its ever-wary neighbor Finland. Moreover, the London Times reported Nov. 14, "Egypt's military leaders hope to strike a $2 billion arms deal with Russia today as Moscow seeks to capitalise on souring relations between Cairo and Washington."
But most disturbing of all are Moscow's plans to spend $755 billion over the next decade to bolster its military. While the United States and Britain pare their defense budgets considerably, both Russia and China are substantially increasing theirs. (Sources: Financial Times, The Wall Street Journal, The Times [London].)

Wednesday, April 3, 2013

Russian Resurgence in a Unipolar World

An interesting article from http://www.ucg.org/ about Russia's dealings with its neighbors. This follows this post about the homosexual equals sign on facebook.  For a free magazine subscription or to get this book for free click HERE! or call 1-888-886-8632,

Russian Resurgence in a Unipolar World



article by Cecil Maranville





Russia is a superpower no longer, so what is behind President Putin’s bold actions toward Hamas, Iran, Eastern Europe and China? Russia will play a critical role in geopolitics and globalization in the 21st century. No longer a superpower, it is still a superplayer.



A self-confident Vladimir Putin took a reporter's tough question head-on last February. The question had to do with whether Moscow was using its control of natural gas supplies as a political tool. The reporter was referring to the Russian company Gazprom, which forced Ukraine to accept a huge price increase in January. Because the Kremlin owns a controlling interest in the giant oil and gas company, Gazprom's policies are Russia's polices.



Russia wants membership in the World Trade Organization, which would not look favorably on what amounts to Russian imperialism, meddling in the Ukraine to hobble its pro-Western government.



But rather than step back from that impression, Putin shot back to the reporter's question: "We still have plenty of nuclear rockets, too!" (Owen Matthews, "Russian Nukes Redux," Newsweek International, Feb. 13, 2006). Such bravado would hardly comfort the WTO. He added that new Russian missiles were capable of out-maneuvering any missile-defense system. The last comment was for Washington, as the United States is the only nation with such a system.



Putin's speech played well to the Russians, with whom he remains popular (he won his second term with 70 percent of the vote; his closest rival received only 14 percent), but it's all for show. In reality, the new missiles are only in the development stage, and the rockets and submarines needed to launch the missiles are themselves nearly past their period of usefulness.



A decade from now, according to Russian security expert Dr. Aleksei Arbatov, "Russia is likely to have just 500 warheads...to America's 2,000 state-of-the-art nukes" (ibid.).



So, nuclear arms aren't what makes Russia a player on the world scene. Energy is the key.



Not nukes, but energy



President Putin makes no secret of the fact that he would dearly like to steer Russia back into the ranks of the world's leading nations. Russia was a superpower in terms of nuclear capability, never economically. The nation remains poor, but that is in the process of changing—slowly.



Energy resources are a large part of that story. Gazprom is Russia's largest company and the largest gas-producing company in the world. As Russia's constitution requires that Putin step down at the end of his second term (only two years from now), some speculate that he would like to take the helm of Gazprom.



The company is destined to become even larger. Gazprom has or is in the process of signing deals with China, India, Japan, Korea, Italy, Germany, France, Iran, Britain, Austria, Belgium, Turkey, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Ukraine, Belarus and the United States. It hopes to be a major supplier to the United States, providing up to 20 percent of America's liquefied natural gas needs within a decade or so. In our energy-starved world, Gazprom's oil and gas are in high demand. (That's right—oil. Few realize that Russia is the world's second largest producer of black gold.)



The 2004 tragic terrorist attack on a Belsan school that left hundreds of students dead was a watershed event in Russia. Afterwards, Putin tightened the reins of federal power. Russian citizens liked the move, for it seems that they prefer a strong central government.



Shortly after Belsan, Putin announced Moscow would appoint provincial governors, rather than have provincial elections choose them. Shortly thereafter, Putin supporters in the Duma (the Russian parliament) introduced a law to that effect. The Russian president proposes the governors, and their respective legislatures approve or disapprove. Although widely criticized outside Russia as an autocratic move, Putin shook off the complaints.



When President George Bush publicly criticized what he called the rolling back of freedoms in Russia, Putin angrily lashed back, accusing the United States of attempting to enforce its personal vision of democracy on the rest of the world—a not-so-subtle slam on the American role in democratizing Afghanistan and Iraq.



Former Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov said recently that he sees his country becoming more and more like a dictatorship, reflecting upon state control of business and manipulation of the judiciary and the media.



Oppose the United States any way it can



Russia annoyed much of the Western world by inviting the newly elected Hamas leaders of the Palestinian government to Moscow for "talks." It was a symbolic move that could only help raise the stature of Hamas. So why would Russia do such a thing? It is but another illustration of the desire of Putin's Russia to be a major player in the world's geopolitics again.



The recent translation of two Iraqi documents dated on the eve of the 2003 war revealed that the Russian ambassador relayed detailed intelligence on the American-led coalition's battle plans and force strength to Saddam Hussein's government. Russia seems to be willing to oppose the United States anywhere that it can, just as it did in the Cold War. Moscow is clearly smarting under the dominance of the world's only superpower.



Another poke in America's eye was Russia's out-of-the-blue offer to Tehran to provide the Iranians with the enriched uranium they would require to fuel their Russian-built reactors. The offer temporarily sidetracked Washington's tough stance against Iran's ambitions.



Furthermore, Russia has been working for several years to improve its relationships with the Islamic world. Even though the Iranians turned down Russia's offer of enriched uranium, Russian stock in the eyes of Muslims went up. And it helped its image even more by making it clear to the other members of the United Nations Security Council that it would veto a move to sanction Iran.



If the Iranian crisis leads to war, Russia would still benefit, because the price of oil would go up. And, unlike Saudi Arabia, Russia does not need the use of the Strait of Hormuz to export its product (it uses pipelines and railroad tank cars).



SCO



Lastly, we need to look at the SCO, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Formed by Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan in 2001, this intergovernmental organization is little known in the West. Yet we are likely to hear more and more of it in the future.



Kazakhstan holds huge oil reserves that the United States would like to tap. It's also strategically located for oil pipelines.



Uzbekistan was a critical link in the U.S. military's toppling of Taliban-led Afghanistan, allowing the Americans to establish a base there, only 90 miles north of the Afghanistan border. But last year, Uzbekistan—under pressure from fellow SCO members—told the Americans to leave.



SCO is not a military alliance, but it does deal with security issues, enabling intergovernmental cooperation on pursuing, apprehending and prosecuting drug dealers, terrorists and other criminals. It is also a common market of sorts, facilitating business between central Asian countries.



No one paid much attention to the SCO when it began, but now that it is well established, Washington and NATO are taking notice. Washington recently asked for observer status at SCO's annual meeting, but the group rebuffed the request.



SCO just announced it would extend invitations to four more countries to become members: Mongolia, India, Pakistan—and Iran. Iran's deputy foreign minister said this move "'...could make the world more fair.' And he spoke of building an Iran-Russian 'gas-and-oil-arc' by coordinating their activities as energy producing countries" (M.K. Bhadrakumar, "China, Russia Welcome Iran Into the Fold," Asia Times, April 18, 2006).



An Iran-Russia energy alliance would be a formidable economic force. But there is a more immediate potential consequence to SCO's invitation to Iran to become a member.



With the International Atomic Energy Agency report to the UN Security Council about Iran's nuclear program due at the end of the April, Iran's membership in this regional security organization affords it some credibility in debunking the U.S. assertion that it is a member of an "axis of evil." Iran can say to the world, "Here's proof that we are a responsible regional power."



As we go to press, the SCO announced that their members would hold joint military exercises.



Where these developments fit into the prophetic grid



Russia's "spoiler mentality" toward the United States does not itself threaten the latter as a superpower. But Moscow can certainly thwart American plans for Central Asian energy sources, which at the least will make energy more expensive for American consumers. At the worst, it could give Russia control over a sizable percentage of U.S. energy supplies.



And in the long term, Russia's inclinations will help to strengthen China's economic muscle, which many analysts are forecasting will present ever-increasing competition to the United States. Russian energy is critical to the continuing evolution of the European Union, which is the other primary competitor to the United States. Finally, Russia's efforts to improve its relationships with Muslim countries will coincidentally promote the slow, but steady rise of Islamic influence at the end of the age.



For related information, please see our booklets, The United States and Britain in Bible Prophecy , You Can Understand Bible Prophecy and The Middle East in Bible Prophecy. WNP

.

Wednesday, August 10, 2011

Why Russia Is No Friend of America

A very interesting post from www.AmericanThinker.com about Russia not being an ally of the United States. This follows this post about Putin's comments on the debt ceiling.  This follows this article about the recent news about the former ban on offshore drilling which would encourage American energy independence and prevent money from going to hostile countries such as Iran   and Venezuela. For more that you can do to get involved click HERE and read this very interesting book HERE!

Why Russia Is No Friend of America


By Zbigniew Mazurak

Is Russia a potential ally for the United States?





G. Murphy Donovan recently argued on AT that Russia is such a great partner of the United States that it could be admitted to NATO. To back his assertion up, he provided a number of "reasons," including Harley Davidson motorbikes and Russian women.





Donovan argues that Russia, with a balanced budget, very low public debt, and huge reserves of oil and natural gas, is a rich uncle the U.S. could use. Does he really want the U.S. to be dependent on Russia for loans and fossil fuels? Isn't America already exposed enough, beholden as it is to the OPEC cartel and to China and Japan?





The Russian economy is a colossus with feet of clay; it is more dependent on revenue from oil and natural gas than it was during the 1990s or than the Soviet economy was during the Cold War. Ditto the Russian federal budget, which is based on the assumption that oil costs no less than 60 USD per barrel.





Donovan has suggested that female Russians should be admitted to the West visa-free and duty-free. Apparently, he hasn't heard that the Kremlin uses Russian ladies as spies/seducers. (Western men, beware.) Anna Kushchenko (Chapman) is the best-known example.





While praising Russian women, Donovan has slandered their American and Western European counterparts: "Most female athletes in Europe and America look like East German weightlifters or Madeline Albright. Russian girls, on the other hand, have changed the viewing habits of millions worldwide."





Perhaps Donovan has never seen Katie Hoff, Natalie Coughlin, or Janet Evans. Nor has he seen any of the beauties featured every year during Miss USA competitions. Another American beauty queen, Alexandria Mills, is the current Miss World. There are legions of beautiful women in the U.S. If Donovan hasn't seen them, that means he hasn't looked for them.





Of course, which country has beautiful women is irrelevant to foreign policy. Donovan argues that because the U.S. and Russia have pretty much "cornered the megaton market," a "nuclear-near-monopoly" should be created by admitting Russia into NATO. The problem is that, as has been documented on AT mutiple times, Russia is an opponent, not an ally, of the U.S. This is because Russia's current rulers, most of them KGB thugs like Vladimir Putin and Sergei Ivanov, believe that whatever is bad for the U.S. is good for Russia.





Russia has been selling weapons (including fighterplanes, SAMs, and Kalashnikov rifles) to America's enemies, including Iran, Venezuela, and Syria, and shielding these nations (as well as North Korea) from serious UNSC sanctions. It has been selling tons of weapons to Communist China, currently the biggest threat to the U.S. It still backs the regimes of Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, thus maintaining anti-American outposts in the USA's backyard. A real friend doesn't behave like that. And Russia's own defense doctrine presents NATO as Russia's principal enemy.





Donovan asserts that "grand ideas like capitalism and democracy (of a sort) are thriving in Russia -- in Western Europe, not so much." This is utter gibberish. Russia's current economic system is statist, government-directed pseudocapitalism similar to that maintained by European countries. Privately owned corporations are forced to operate under vast, unclear, selectively enforced regulations and a biased, corrupt judiciary. Important economic decisions are made by Putin himself, not by entrepreneurs -- and often for the worse. Gazprom, for example, has a $50-billion debt, equal to one year's turnover of that company. Most of the managers of state-owned enterprises are Putin's cronies and their sons, as reported by Boris Nemtsov.





Furthermore, Donovan writes, "Today, America has more in common with Russia than it does with many nations in Europe." Unless he means Eastern European countries, with which the U.S. indeed has little in common, he's wrong.





America is a libertarian democracy which guarantees individual liberties to a greater degree than does any other country in the world. Russia is an authoritarian thugocracy, with every civil liberty listed by the Russian constitution tolerated by Putin only to the extent that it doesn't inhibit him from ruling the country. Dissenters are jailed (like Boris Nemtsov) or assassinated (like Anna Politkovskaya and Alexander Litvinenko). The U.S. is a federal republic where most prerogatives are reserved to the states and the people, who have the means to defend their rights in federal courts. Russia is a federation only on paper; most of its federal subjects (oblasts, federal cities, and krais) are ruled directly from the Kremlin.





In the U.S., all people are equal regardless of ethnic origin or religion. In Russia, the Kremlin-backed Nashi thugs are persecuting ethnic minorities under the "Russia for Russians" slogan.





In the U.S., the people are the superiors of the government. The Tea Party movement has shown this by engineering the biggest GOP House election victory in many decades. As Ronald Reagan said,"We are a nation that has a government, not the other way around." In Russia, the government is the superior of the people and owns them. It can order them to do anything and confiscate anything from them.





America has always been a democratic republic. And say what you will about America's Western European partners, but most of them still believe in the same ideals Americans cherish: democracy, human rights, and political pluralism. On the other hand, for all of its history except the 1990s, Russia has been an authoritarian or totalitarian state, be it under the tsars, the Bolsheviks, or Putin.





That does not mean that Russia can never be America's friend or even ally. Russia helped mediate the Treaty of Ghent, which ended the war of 1812. During the Civil War, as Oliver W. Holmes wrote, "Russia was America's friend even when the world was our enemy" and refused to recognize the Confederacy while Britain and France planned to recognize it as an independent state. During WW2, the U.S. and the Soviet Union were allies (albeit only for pragmatic reasons). And Russia was quite friendly towards the U.S. during the 1990s, albeit out of weakness.





Nonetheless, a Russia governed by men like Putin and Ivanov cannot be a partner, let alone an ally, of the U.S. Only if the Putin regime is replaced by a pro-American government can a Russo-American alliance be formed.